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Early American Criminals: John Quelch’s Piratic Joy Ride

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In the fall of 1703, the owners of the 80-ton brigantine, the Charles, desperately wrote to various West Indies ports in an attempt to discover any information on the whereabouts of their new ship, but without success.

This leading group of Boston merchants—Charles Hobby, Col. Nicholas Paige, William Clarke, Benjamin Gallop, and John Colman—built the ship as a privateering vessel specifically to attack French ships off the coasts of Acadia and Newfoundland. Most likely, their goal was to protect their own ships from pirates, reduce competition in trade from the French, and profit from the spoils of capturing French merchant ships all at the same time. But their resourceful plan ran into a major snag.

Privateers

England was at war with France and Spain during the early eighteenth century, and one of its means of patrolling the waters of the Atlantic was by enlisting privateers, i.e., private citizens commissioned by European governments to sail the seas and attack and plunder enemy ships. For these nations, the privateering system was a handy way to supplement their naval power, disrupt the trade routes of their enemies, and accumulate wealth.

Charles Brooking, "The Capture of a French Ship by Royal Family Privateers"

Daniel Plowman, the captain hired by the owners of the Charles, received from Joseph Dudley, the Governor of Massachusetts, a privateering commission that authorized him “to War, Fight, Take, Kill, Suppress and Destroy, any Pirates, Privateers, or other the Subjects and Vassals of France, or Spain, the Declared Enemies of the Crown of England.” But before Plowman could set sail from Marblehead, he fell sick. He also sensed that something was wrong with his crew, because he wrote the ship’s owners on August 1, 1703 and advised them to send someone up from Boston to investigate the state of their ship.

One of the owners made the trip to Marblehead and after surveying the situation recommended that the ship set sail as planned, but with a different captain. When Plowman learned of the decision, he wrote the owners once again and implored them to sail the ship down to Boston and replace the crew. But it was too late. The Charles went out to sea before anything could be done.

Southward

Apparently, while Plowman’s second letter was headed towards Boston, the crew of the Charles locked the captain in his cabin. John Quelch, the lieutenant-commander of the ship, then agreed to take control and sail southward, where they could find more lucrative ships to attack than the French ones in the north. After setting sail, the crew threw Plowman overboard, although it is not known if he had succumbed to his illness or was still alive at the time.

It is not surprising that the crew enlisted to sail on the Charles turned out to be a rough bunch. They had to be, because in many respects the only difference between privateers and pirates was that the former were officially sanctioned by a particular government and the latter sailed independently of any nation-state. So by setting sail without authorization of the ship’s owners, and by radically changing the course of their original mission, John Quelch and his crew became pirates.

Quelch reached the waters off the coast of Brazil in November, 1703 and over the next three months he captured nine ships, which yielded a significant booty: a hundred weight of gold dust, gold and silver coins worth over 1,000 pounds, ammunition and arms, fine fabrics, provisions, and rum. But the problem was that Quelch attacked vessels belonging to Portugal, which at the time was an ally of England.

Arrival at Marblehead

In May 1704, a small notice appeared in the Boston News-Letter: “Arrived at Marble-head, Capt. Quelch in the Brigantine that Capt. Plowman went out in, are said to come from New-Spain & have made a good Voyage.” Soon after the ship landed, most of the crew began to disappear. This fact, combined with the abrupt departure of the ship in the fall and the inability of the owners to discover its whereabouts before it surfaced again in Massachusetts, raised questions about the ship’s recent voyage.

Quelch claimed that he and his crew acquired the treasure during the recovery of a wreck in the West Indies in order to hide his pillaging of Portuguese ships and justify the rich rewards he brought back with him,. But the owners knew this story to be false, since they had received no word from any port in the West Indies that their ship had been spotted in the area.

Acting on their suspicions, two of the owners of the Charles lodged complaints with the Attorney-General, and a manhunt began to find Quelch and his crew. Within two days, Quelch and six other crew members were apprehended, and others were soon to follow. The Governor also sought to confiscate the gold that Quelch brought with him into Massachusetts and managed to recover seventy ounces of it and an equal weight of silver. In the end, 25 of the 43 pirates were captured along with a considerable amount of the treasure, which ensured that rich awards would be handed out to the informers and to the officials involved in bringing the pirates to justice.

The captured pirates were quickly brought to trial in Boston on June 3, 1704. Quelch was accused of committing piracy, robbery, and murder, and two crew members who claimed that Quelch had refused to set them on shore after taking over the ship provided testimony about how the pirates had attacked and killed the captains and crews of the Portuguese ships.

In the end, Quelch and six other pirates were sentenced to death. The rest were held in prison for a year until they finally received royal pardons. At one point during their stay, some members of the crew paid 30 pounds for the right to walk around freely within the prison yard, but after two or three days, they were returned to their cells and held as before.

Led by the Silver Oar

On Friday, June 30, 1704, the seven pirates condemned to die walked in procession from the prison down to Scarlett’s wharf with “the Silver Oar” carried in front of them. They were loaded on a boat and carried to their place of execution, near where Langone Park and the Andrew P. Puopolo Jr. Athletic Field in the North End of Boston are today. Forty musketeers guarded them to make sure nothing went wrong.

Thousands of people gathered to witness the executions. Some of them stood on what is now Copp’s Hill, while 100 to 150 boats crowded the Charles River to watch the spectacle from the water.

As Quelch climbed up to the scaffold, he said to one of the ministers, “I am not afraid of Death, I am not afraid of the Gallows, but I am afraid of what follows; I am afraid of a Great God, and a Judgment to Come.” But his fears seemed to be overcome once he reached the spotlight of the stage, because he pulled off his hat and deeply bowed to his audience. Rather than express repentance when the ministers called upon Quelch to address the crowd, he declared, “Gentlemen, ‘Tis but little I have to speak; What I have to say is this, I desire to be informed for what I am here, I am Condemned only upon Circumstances. I forgive all the World: So the Lord be Merciful to my Soul.” And while one of the other pirates warned the crowd about associating with “Bad Company,” Quelch chimed in, “They should also take care how they brought Money into New-England, to be Hanged for it!”

At the last minute, one of the pirates received a reprieve, but the remaining six were not so lucky. After the scaffold dropped, some people claimed to have heard the shrieks of the women in the crowd from more than a mile away. As was the custom with pirates after execution, the six corpses were placed in gibbets and remained in them until they decayed and eventually disappeared.

Sources

An Account of the Behaviour and Last Dying Speeches of the Six Pirates. Boston: Nicholas Boone, 1704. Database: America’s Historical Imprints, Readex/Newsbank.

Boston News-Letter, May 22, 1704, issue 5, p. 2. Database: America’s Historical Newspapers, Readex/Newsbank.

Boston News-Letter, July 3, 1704, issue 11, p. 2. Database: America’s Historical Newspapers, Readex/Newsbank.

Dow, George Francis and John Henry Edmonds. The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730. New York: Dover Publications, 1996.

[Mather, Cotton]. The Deplorable State of New-England, By Reason of a Covetous and Treacherous Governour. [Boston], 1721 [Reprint of 1708 copy]. Database: America’s Historical Imprints, Readex/Newsbank.

Rediker, Marcus. Villains of All Nations: Atlantic Pirates in the Golden Age. Boston: Beacon Press, 2004.

Early American Criminals: The Curse on Joseph Lightly

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Joseph Lightly relates in his Last Words and Dying Speech that when his mother learned he had enlisted in the British army, “she told me she hoped she should hear of my being hanged, for my Cruelty of going to leave her against her Will.” Lightly’s mother may simply have been reacting to the moment, but her words nonetheless seemed to serve as a curse on her son.

All Manner of Vice and Wickedness

Joseph Lightly was born in Newcastle, England in 1739 to poor, but “benevolent and kind” parents. He received a common education before he was apprenticed to a weaver at the age of fourteen. Four years later, he left his master to join the British army during its engagement in the Seven Years’ War and was sent to Dublin, Ireland. He was stationed in Ireland for four or five months until his regiment received orders to march to Cork, where he and his fellow soldiers boarded a ship and headed to America.

Like many early American criminals, Lightly’s turn to crime can be traced to his military service. Lightly says he enjoyed the good will of his officers before embarking for America, but after landing in Philadelphia he “began to forget God, not having the Opportunities of religious Worship, as I had in my own Country.” The army turned out to be a place where “all Manner of Vice and Wickedness prevail’d,” and Lightly quickly “fell into Cursing and Swearing, taking great Delight therein; as also in contriving all Sorts of Mischief.”

British soldiers fighting in the Seven Years' War - 1756-1763

Desertion

Lightly’s distaste for the soldier’s life prompted him to run away from his regiment, but he soon returned. Lucky for him, he did not receive punishment for his unsanctioned leave on account of the bravery he had previously displayed on the battlefield. But after he and his captain drew swords over the affections of a young woman, Lightly deserted the army once again, even though he won the duel and sent his captain running.

This second time around Lightly was easily taken up as a runaway soldier owing to the poor condition of his clothing. And because he put up a fight during his arrest, he was thrown in prison for 13 months. Upon his release, Lightly was sold into servitude for three years to recoup the costs of his confinement, but after three weeks of service, he stole his master’s horse and ran away.

After “taking a small Tour thro’ the Country,” Lightly reenlisted and returned to his regiment a third time before leaving the army for good. He then traveled the country in order to acquaint himself with the roads and prepare for his newly chosen career: highway robber and thief. As part of his “apprenticeship,” Lightly stole two shirts and two pairs of trousers.

Fortunes and a Farm

During the course of his travels, Lightly met Elizabeth Post, who became captivated by his claim that he could tell fortunes. He also led her and her family into believing that he owned a farm. Post joined Lightly on the road in the belief that the two would eventually get married, but Lightly had a different plan: convince her to sell her cows and her estate, take control of the money from the sale, and then abandon her.

As they proceeded in their journey to his fictional farm, Lightly claims that Post “behaved in a most adulterous Manner, which caused me to be more gross with my Tongue, and use her with bad Language.” Post openly complained about the way Lightly freely spent her money, which infuriated Lightly, who believed that her accusations “caus’d the People to give me a worse Name than I deserved.”

In the winter when the two reached Ware, MA, Post fell sick and died—or so Lightly claims. In January 1765, Lightly was arrested in Hartford, CT on suspicion that he had murdered her. At the time, Lightly was described in the Boston News-Letter as a “transient Person, who one time says his name is Joseph Lightly, and at another, Joseph Pritty, neither of which names is supposed to be his right one. . . . He is of a ruddy complexion, about five feet nine inches high, [and] well built.”

Lightly was transferred to Cambridge, MA and stood trial in front of the Superior Court on November 4 for the murder of Post. He was found guilty, even though he maintained in his Last Words and Dying Speech that he was innocent and that the four men who testified against him perjured themselves.

Lightly may have lacked the true powers of a fortune teller, but his mother’s curse turned out to be prophetic: Lightly was executed on November 21, 1765 in Cambridge. One newspaper reported that before he was hanged, Lightly sold his body to a surgeon for three dollars, although a different newspaper said it was for ten. What he did with the money during the short time he had to enjoy it is anybody’s guess.

Sources

Boston Newsletter. November 7, 1765, supplement, p. 2. Database: America’s Historical Newspapers, Readex/Newsbank.

“Boston, Nov. 4.” Boston Post-Boy. November 4, 1765, issue 429, supplement, p. 1. Database: America’s Historical Newspapers, Readex/Newsbank.

Cohen, Daniel A. Pillars of Salt, Monuments of Grace: New England Crime Literature And the Origins of American Popular Culture, 1674-1860. Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 2006.

“Hartford, January 28.” Boston News-Letter. February 7, 1765, issue 3181, p. 3. Database: America’s Historical Newspapers, Readex/Newsbank.

Lightly, Joseph. The Last Words and Dying Speech of Joseph Lightly. [Boston, 1765]. Database: America’s Historical Imprints, Readex/Newsbank.

The American Malefactor’s Dictionary: bone orchard or bone yard

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bone orchard or bone yard

– a cemetery, graveyard, burial place.

Sources

  • Farmer, John S. and W. E. Henley. A Dictionary of Slang and Colloquial English. Abridged from Slang and Its Analogues. London: George Routledge and Sons, 1912.
  • Partridge, Eric. A Dictionary of the Underworld. New York: Bonanza Books, 1961.

Note: See “Cant: The Language of the Underworld” to learn more about the background of the American Malefactor’s Dictionary.

Special Announcement: A New Book by Anthony Vaver Will Be Published By Pickpocket Publishing

My new book, Bound with an Iron Chain: The Untold Story of How the British Transported 50,000 Convicts to Colonial America will be published by Pickpocket Publishing in the early summer of 2011.

In the 18th century, thousands of British convicts were separated from their families, chained together in the hold of a ship, and carried off to America, sometimes for the theft of only a handkerchief. Why did these people risk committing such petty crimes when they knew they could be forcibly shipped off to a foreign land if caught? And what happened to them once they arrived in America? Did they prosper under conditions of unlimited opportunity, or were they ostracized by American colonists?

Bound with an Iron Chain reveals this forgotten chapter in American history through the stories of petty thieves, criminal kingpins, frustrated government officials, greedy merchants, and wealthy plantation owners, and it finally shines light on the critical role that convict transportation played in the development of colonial America.

The book also includes a helpful appendix with tips on researching individual convicts transported to America.

Visit Early American Crime or Pickpocket Publishing regularly for updates and more details.

The American Malefactor’s Dictionary: bone

Go to The American Malefactor's Dictionary

bone

– 1. to take, steal, as in the way a dog runs off with a bone; 2. to be arrested, carried off, taken into custody; 3. to beg, to ask for.

Sources

  • London Antiquary, A [Hotten, John Camden]. A Dictionary of Modern Slang, Cant, and Vulgar Words. 2nd ed. London: John Camden Hotten, 1860.
  • Matsell, George W. Vocabulum: Or, the Rogue’s Lexicon.. New York: George W. Matsell, 1859.
  • Partridge, Eric. A Dictionary of the Underworld. New York: Bonanza Books, 1961.

Note: See “Cant: The Language of the Underworld” to learn more about the background of the American Malefactor’s Dictionary.