Early American Crime

Note: This post is part of a series on Convict Transportation to the American colonies.

While the American press criticized the practice of British convict transportation, Daniel Defoe enthusiastically supported it in his novel The Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Famous Moll Flanders. Moll Flanders is the most well-known character in literature to have been transported to America. In many ways, her story offers the most complete account of the life of a transported convict, even if she is only a fictional character and her experience was far from the norm of most transported felons.

Moll Flanders fits a line of tales involving convict transportation in both fiction and nonfiction. At the height of British convict transportation to America, both the British and America presses often carried accounts of convicts who were sentenced to transportation, but returned to England early to resume their nefarious ways. Several literary accounts of convict transportation also appeared both during and after convict transportation to America ended. Sweeney Todd, the “Demon Barber of Fleet Street,” is perhaps the most famous fictional example from the nineteenth century, when he begins his bloody rampage upon his return to England after being unjustly transported to Australia.

Convicts In Virginia

Moll Flanders first learns about convict transportation during a conversation with her mother-in-law after traveling to Virginia with her husband. To Moll’s surprise, her mother-in-law informs her that the colony is filled with productive citizens who first came to America as convicts: “many a Newgate Bird becomes a great Man, and we have, continued she, several Justices of the Peace, Officers of the Train Bands, and Magistrates of the Towns they live in, that have been burnt in the Hand” (88). Her mother-in-law then goes on to reveal that she herself is a former convict by showing Moll the burn on her hand.

This positive view of convict transportation contrasts with her mother-in-law’s opinion of Newgate Prison:

HERE my Mother-in-Law ran out in a long account of the wicked practices in that dreadful Place, and how it ruin’d more young People than all the Town besides; and Child, says my Mother, perhaps you may know little of it, or it may be have heard nothing about it, but depend upon it, says she, we all know here, that there are more Thieves and Rogues made by that one Prison of Newgate, than by all the Clubs and Societies of Villains in the Nation; ’tis that cursed Place, says my Mother, that half Peoples this Colony (87).

Through these conversations Moll, who was born in Newgate Prison, eventually realizes that her mother-in-law is actually her true mother and that her husband is in reality her brother. The shock of this information sends Moll back to England, where she eventually falls into a life of crime.

Defoe published Moll Flanders in 1722, four years after the passage of the Transportation Act, but the story takes place well before this time. The characterization of Virginia being well-populated with convicts by Moll’s mother, then, is anachronistic to the time period of the novel. A significant convict population did not develop in the Chesapeake until after Britain institutionalized convict transportation in 1718. In other details, however, Defoe was more accurate.

A Source of Inspiration

One of the possible sources of inspiration for Defoe’s Moll Flanders is Moll King, a notorious pickpocket and thief who worked for Jonathan Wild. Just as Moll Flanders protects her identity by telling the reader at the beginning of the book that the name she is using is a pseudonym, Moll King used many aliases throughout her criminal career, among them Mary Godman, Golston, Golstone, Gilstone, Goulston, Gouldstone, Gouldston, Godfrey, Godson, and Bird.

All of these aliases make it difficult to trace the history of Moll King accurately, and most likely they confounded the authorities back then as well. The first time we know for sure that Moll King appeared before the Old Bailey was in 1693. Under the name Mary King, alias Godman, she was found guilty of housebreaking and sentenced to branding. The name “Mary King” appears in the Old Bailey records several times before and after this time, but it is impossible to determine which, if any of them, is actually Moll King.

Moll King was also transported to the American colonies several times under various names. In December 1718, she was indicted under the name of Mary Goulston for stealing a gold watch and chain and was sentenced to death. She turned out to be pregnant, however, and instead was transported on the Susannah & Sarah under the name of Gilstone in 1719, after she had her baby. King quickly turned around and returned to London, but soon after arriving back from transportation Jonathan Wild threatened to expose her as a returned convict if she didn’t join his criminal empire and begin stealing for him.

After about a year of operating under Wild’s thumb, King was caught robbing dress materials from a house on June 14, 1721. During this time, Defoe both wrote and edited newspaper stories about Moll King’s return from transportation and about her criminal exploits, and her story very likely gave Defoe the idea of writing a novel about a female criminal.

For the robbery of the dress materials, King was transported on the Gilbert under the name of Mary Goulstone in 1722. Once again she returned to England, was caught, and was transported by the Alexander under the name of Mary Godson in 1723. Also accompanying her on the voyage was Sarah Wells, aka “Callico Sarah” (See “Convict Voyages (12): Convict Passengers on the Jonathan”). After this, the third time that Moll King was transported, the certainty of her history becomes muddled once again.

A Defense of Convict Transportation

After returning to England and falling into a life of crime, Moll Flanders is caught trying to rob a plate from a goldsmith and finds herself in Newgate Prison, the place of her birth, with a death sentence hanging over her head. Moll, however, successfully appeals her sentence and receives a conditional pardon of transportation for 14 years instead. While in Newgate, Moll meets one of her former husbands, who maintains that he prefers execution to being sold as a slave in America as a transported convict. Moll eventually convinces him to plead guilty in exchange for transportation, and she arranges to have him join her on board the transport ship.

Unlike the other convicts on board her ship, Moll has considerable resources at her disposal to help set herself up for success in America. A governess of Moll’s arranges to load the ship with Moll’s personal belongings, and she supplies Moll with plenty of money. The governess also communicates with the captain to help Moll secure both a private cabin for the voyage and freedom for her and her husband after they arrive in America.

Moll’s early experience in Virginia also gives her great advantages. Before casting off for America, Moll has her governess purchase tools and other items necessary for setting up a plantation, knowing that they will cost twice as much to procure once she arrives at her destination. Upon landing in America, she also learns that her deceased mother has left her a considerable sum of money, as well as a yearly stipend from the family plantation in Virginia. With the help of a Quaker, Moll and her husband set up a prosperous plantation on their own, and they even purchase a female English servant and a black African slave to work on it. Few, if any, transported convicts enjoyed such advantages and treatment.

Moll discovers at the book’s conclusion that by turning her energies to forging a productive life in the colonies she can atone for a previously wicked one. The Preface to the novel maintains:

[Moll’s] application to a sober Life, and industrious management at last in Virginia, with her Transported spouse, is a Story fruitful of Instruction, to all the unfortunate Creatures who are oblig’d to seek their Re-establishment abroad; whether by the Misery of Transportation, or other Disaster; letting them know, that Diligence and Application have their due Encouragement, even in the remotest Parts of the World, and that no Case can be so low, so despicable, or so empty of prospect, but that an unwearied Industry will go a great way to deliver us from it, will in time raise the meanest Creature to appear again in the World, and give him a new Cast for his Life (4).

The entire novel is framed by convict transportation, and the narrative works to argue its benefits. Moll’s experiences in America and her improvement at the end makes Defoe’s novel one of the most spirited and extended defenses of convict transportation ever written.

Resources for this article:

• Coldham, Peter Wilson. The King’s Passengers to Maryland and Virginia. Westminster, MD: Heritage Books, 1997.
• Defoe, Daniel. The Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Famous Moll Flanders, & C.. Ed. G. A. Starr. New York: Oxford University Press, 1971.
• Howson, Gerald. Thief-Taker General: Jonathan Wild and the Emergence of Crime and Corruption as a Way of Life in Eighteenth Century England. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1970.
• Old Bailey Proceedings Online. (www.oldbaileyonline.org, 19 May 2009) October 1693, trial of Mary King (t16931012-48).
• —. (www.oldbaileyonline.org, 19 May 2009) December 1718, trial of Mary Goulston. (t17181205-19).

Learn More About Convict Transportation

Learn more about convict transportation to colonial America by reading my book, Bound with an Iron Chain: The Untold Story of How the British Transported 50,000 Convicts to Colonial America.

Amazon.com: Paperback ($16.99) and Kindle ($4.99).

Smashwords: All e-book formats ($4.99).

Most people know that England shipped thousands of convicts to Australia, but few are aware that colonial America was the original destination for Britain’s unwanted criminals. In the 18th century, thousands of British convicts were separated from their families, chained together in the hold of a ship, and carried off to America, sometimes for the theft of a mere handkerchief.

What happened to these convicts once they arrived in America? Did they prosper in an environment of unlimited opportunity, or were they ostracized by the other colonists? Anthony Vaver tells the stories of the petty thieves and professional criminals who were punished by being sent across the ocean to work on plantations. In bringing to life this forgotten chapter in American history, he challenges the way we think about immigration to early America.

The book also includes an appendix with helpful tips for researching individual convicts who were transported to America.

Visit Pickpocket Publishing for more details.

Note: This post is part of a series on Convict Transportation to the American colonies.

Convicts from Great Britain made up the largest number of forced immigrants from Europe to America in the eighteenth century, with kidnapping victims and forced political exiles trailing far behind. One of the ideas behind the creation of convict transportation was that while serving out their terms of punishment convicted felons could gain valuable experience and skills that they could then use to make something of themselves in America.

The truth is that convicts who served out their terms had a much more difficult time settling in America than those who came before them. The buyers of transported convicts were in a much better position to take advantage of the opportunities that the land afforded them, and even then they faced considerable challenges.

The Rise of Plantations

Most of the planters in Maryland and Virginia who purchased convict labor had roots in America going back to the mid-seventeenth century, well before convict transportation was institutionalized. They generally were the descendants of sons of middling English merchants who came to America in search of economic opportunity. These early settlers were rough and eager to get rich, but it wasn’t easy for them to establish themselves in America. Disease claimed the lives of many of them. Tobacco, their chief crop, offered them only moderate returns, and cultivating it required a lot of work. They lived in modest houses, because they didn’t have the time or money to spend developing their estates beyond the support of basic agriculture.

By the eighteenth century, however, the rich were getting richer and the poor were getting poorer. Because tobacco is such a labor-intensive crop, the income of planters was proportional to the number and efficiency of their laborers, not to the amount of land that they owned. Land was cheap in colonial America; labor was not. Wealthy planters were able to purchase slaves–a labor commodity that smaller planters were generally unable to afford–which allowed them to produce more tobacco. With the greater profits that came with growing more tobacco came the ability to purchase more slaves.

By the 1720’s, about the time when convicts began to be shipped to the colonies, some planters were rich enough to begin building the stately mansions that are associated with southern plantations today. Through the use of slaves, indentured servants, and convicts, the great planters were able to grow their business more quickly and came to dominate the area both economically and politically, although smaller tobacco planters continued to operate as well.

Plantation Owners

The great plantations functioned as self-contained communities run by a patriarch who had a strong sense of independence and was distrustful of outside help. His large house, the vast acreage of his plantation, and the number of workers who supported his enterprise all worked toward creating a self-sufficient enterprise.

John Mason, the son of George Mason, describes the self-contained world of the 18th-century plantation:

It was very much the practice with gentlemen of landed and slave estates in the interior of Virginia, so to organize them as to have considerable resources within themselves . . . Thus my father had among his slaves carpenters, coopers, sawyers, blacksmiths, tanners, curriers, shoemakers, spinners, weavers and knitters, and even a distiller. His woods furnished timber and planks for the carpenters and coopers, and charcoal for the blacksmith; his cattle killed for his own consumption and for sale supplied skins for the tanners, curriers, and shoemakers, and his sheep gave wool and his fields produced cotton and flax for the weavers and spinners, and his orchards fruit for the distiller (qtd. in Breen, Tobacco Culture).

Plantation owners were perceived to be arrogant, domineering, and greatly concerned with their social standing. One English traveler described planters as “immensely rich, and I think one of them, at this Time, numbers upon his Lands near 1,000 Wretches, that tremble with submissive Awe at his Nod, besides white Servants.” Another traveler noted their “litigious spirit” and was astounded by how many cases were brought before the courts at each session. Other contemporaries, however, described planters as being rather benign.

John Adams, in his diary entry for February 23, 1777, brought a Boston bias to his harsh assessment of the people of Maryland:

The Manners of Maryland are somewhat peculiar. They have but few Merchants. They are chiefly Planters and Farmers. The Planters are those who raise Tobacco and the Farmers such as raise Wheat &c. The Lands are cultivated, and all Sorts of Trades are exercised by Negroes, or by transported Convicts, which has occasioned the Planters and Farmers to assume the Title of Gentlemen, and they hold their Negroes and Convicts, that is all labouring People and Tradesmen, in such Contempt, that they think themselves a distinct order of Beings. Hence they never will suffer their Sons to labour or learn any Trade, but they bring them up in Idleness or what is worse in Horse Racing, Cock fighting, and Card Playing.

Smaller tobacco planters who could not afford to buy slaves would often turn to convicts or indentured servants to help work their fields, since they cost much less than slaves. Larger planters would purchase convicts to supplement their slave holdings, basically relying on the English-born servants to perform specialized functions that they brought with them from England.

The Carroll Family and Chesapeake Ironworks

The Carroll family from Maryland was one of the many employers of convict labor. Charles Carroll the Settler came from Ireland to Maryland in 1688 seeking an environment where his Roman Catholicism would not impede his political and economic advancement. The Glorious Revolution in England, however, jeopardized his plan, yet he still managed to accrue a fortune through land, slaves, moneylending, and mercantilism.

Carroll’s eldest son, Charles Carroll of Annapolis, continued to build the family empire and became one of the richest men in Maryland. His grandson, Charles Carroll of Carrollton, was the only Catholic signer of the Declaration of Independence. The latter two Carrolls purchased convicts both to work on their plantations and in their ironworks company.

Along with tobacco, iron was another popular commodity produced in the Chesapeake area in the eighteenth century. English capitalists, iron-masters, and merchants formed the Principio Company in Maryland by establishing an iron forge in 1715 and the Principio Furnace in 1724. At its peak, the Principio Company produced half the iron exported by Maryland.

The Accokeek Furnace was founded in 1725 in the Northern Neck of Virginia and was soon followed by many others, including the Baltimore Iron Works, which became the second largest iron enterprise in Maryland after the Principio Company. The Carroll family owned a fifth interest in the Baltimore Iron Works and made 400 pounds sterling from it a year.

Convicts were regularly purchased to work in the iron factories and mines. This form of employment was considered to be the worst and most laborious that a convict could land after arriving in America. Not surprisingly, advertisements for runaway convict servants placed by iron companies regularly appeared in local newspapers.

Resources for this article:

• Breen, T. H. Tobacco Culture: The Mentality of the Great Tidewater Planters on the Eve of Revolution. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985.
• Eddis, William. Letters from America, Historical and Descriptive, Comprising Occurrences from 1769 to 1777, Inclusive. London: William Eddis, 1792.
• Fogleman, Aaron S. “From Slaves, Convicts, and Servants to Free Passengers: The Transformation of Immigration in the Era of the American Revolution.” The Journal of American History 85.1 (1998): 43-76.
• Hoffman, Ronald, in collaboration with Sally D. Mason. Princes of Ireland, Planters of Maryland: A Carroll Saga, 1500-1782. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2000.
• Kulikoff, Allan. Tobacco and Slaves: The Development of Southern Cultures in the Chesapeake, 1680-1800. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1986.
• Middleton, Arthur Pierce. Tobacco Coast: A Maritime History of Chesapeake Bay in the Colonial Era. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1953.
• “Observations in Several Voyages and Travels in America.” The London Magazine July 1746: 321-30 [Hahti Digital Library: http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015021278463;q1=july%201746;start=1;size=100;page=root;view=image;seq=345;num=323].
• Smith, Paul H., et al., eds. “John Adams’ Diary: January 1, 1777 – April 30, 1777.” Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774-1789. Vol. 6. Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1976-2000 [American Memory: http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/hlaw:@field(DOCID+@lit(dg006336))].
• Sollers, Basil. “Transported Convict Laborers in Maryland during the Colonial Period.” Maryland Historical Magazine March 1907: 17-47.

Learn More About Convict Transportation

Learn more about convict transportation to colonial America by reading my book, Bound with an Iron Chain: The Untold Story of How the British Transported 50,000 Convicts to Colonial America.

Amazon.com: Paperback ($16.99) and Kindle ($4.99).

Smashwords: All e-book formats ($4.99).

Most people know that England shipped thousands of convicts to Australia, but few are aware that colonial America was the original destination for Britain’s unwanted criminals. In the 18th century, thousands of British convicts were separated from their families, chained together in the hold of a ship, and carried off to America, sometimes for the theft of a mere handkerchief.

What happened to these convicts once they arrived in America? Did they prosper in an environment of unlimited opportunity, or were they ostracized by the other colonists? Anthony Vaver tells the stories of the petty thieves and professional criminals who were punished by being sent across the ocean to work on plantations. In bringing to life this forgotten chapter in American history, he challenges the way we think about immigration to early America.

The book also includes an appendix with helpful tips for researching individual convicts who were transported to America.

Visit Pickpocket Publishing for more details.

Note: This post is part of a series on Convict Transportation to the American colonies.

At the end of their voyages across the Atlantic, most convict ships entered the Chesapeake Bay and headed for a port in Virginia or Maryland. The captain then sent for the factor, an American representative of the convict merchant, who reviewed the list of convicts on board the ship, noted any deaths, and evaluated the condition of those remaining. He then issued a receipt for the captain to take back to Great Britain to prove that the convicts had indeed been delivered to their destination.

Announcing the Sale

Once the factor reviewed the convicts and compiled a list of them, he posted notices and placed advertisements in newspapers announcing the impending auction of the convicts. Advertisements gave the date of the sale, the number of convicts to be sold, and a general idea of the skills the convicts possessed. Oftentimes, though, the market for convicts was so good that advertisements were not needed, and the ship sold its entire cargo of convicts almost as soon as it landed.

The sale of convicts into indentured servitude was not a requirement of the Transportation Act of 1718. Transportation to America was essentially exile from Great Britain, with a condition of forced labor that was modeled after indentured servitude. Merchants who were contracted to transport convicts to America gained a property interest in the labor of the convicts, so they sold the convicts in America both to cover the cost of transporting them and to capitalize on this interest.

The number of years that convicts were banished from England did not necessarily correspond to the length of their terms of service. Convicts who had enough money could purchase their freedom from the merchant once the ship landed. If the convict could only afford part of the price the merchant expected to receive from the sale, then he or she would only have to work for part of the term. Most convicts, however, lacked the money to purchase their freedom and were sold for 7 year terms, no matter what their sentence was in England.

Preparing the Convicts for Sale

Before auctioning the convicts, captains spiffed them up to make them more desirable to potential buyers, thereby transforming them into commodities to be sold on an open market. The rough passage across the Atlantic often resulted in the convicts arriving in poor condition, so preparations to make them more marketable were often necessary.

As the business of convict transportation matured through the years, convict merchants began to understand that improving the conditions under which convicts were transported could lower the death rate and bring greater profits at the other end of the Atlantic. Andrew Reid, who succeeded Jonathan Forward as England’s official government contractor for convict transportation, made sure that the prisoners and passengers of his ship were shaven and in clean clothes before setting out for America. These measures were intended to reduce as much as possible the filth and unsanitary conditions that were guaranteed to emerge during the voyage.

Not all convict merchants followed Reid’s lead. After the arrival of a convict ship in 1767, a factor in Virginia reported back to England that “The Women this year were very Naked, their Cloaths especially their Gowns are very Scanty and sorry and many of them had no Handkerchiefs, the weather has been Cold, they must have suffered.”

In preparation for the sale, shipmasters bathed the convicts and made sure that the male ones were clean shaven. Sometimes they supplied headdresses for the women and caps for the men. In one case, a ship arriving from Dublin with 66 convicts was discovered with 22 wigs, which were intended to make some of its passengers appear to be more respectable than they were.

James Revel, who was transported to America in 1771, gives a poetic account of his preparation for sale:

. . . after sailing seven weeks or more,
We at Virginia all were put on shore.

Then to refresh us we were all well clean’d,
That to our buyers we might the better seem,
The things were given that to each belong,
And they that had clean linen put it on.

Our faces shav’d, comb’d our wigs and hair,
That we in decent order might appear,
Against the planters did come us to view,
How well they lik’d this fresh transported crew.

A Peculiar Smell

This “transported crew” usually did not come off as being too fresh. Despite the captains’ best efforts to clean up the convicts for sale, they still made a poor presentation. One colonist described the sale of about 100 convicts in Williamsburg with dismay:

I never see such pasels of pore Raches in my Life, some all most naked and what had Cloths was as Black [as] Chimney Swipers, and all most Starved by the Ill [usage] in their Pasedge By the Capn, for they are used no Bater than so many negro Slaves.

The freshening of the convicts also could not rid them of the smell they acquired after being cooped up in the ship for weeks on end. A runaway ad in the Virginia Gazette for July 26, 1770 describes four runaways as having “been but a few days from on board the ship, and all have a peculiar smell incident to all servants just coming from ships.” Another advertisement for two runaway convicts in the Virginia Gazette for April 22, 1775 claims that “To those used to the Smell of Servants just from a Ship they will easily be discovered, unless they have procured new Clothes.”

Resources for this article:

• Atkinson, Alan. “The Free-Born Englishman Transported Convict Rights as a Measure of Eighteenth-Century Empire.” Past and Present 144 (1994): 88-115.
• Coldham, Peter Wilson. Emigrants in Chains: A Social History of Forced Emigration to the Americas of Felons, Destitute Children, Political and Religious Non-conformists, Vagabonds, Beggars and Other Undesirables, 1607-1776. Baltimore, Md.: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1992.
• Ekirch, A. Roger. Bound for America: The Transportation of British Convicts to the Colonies, 1718-1775. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987.
• Kercher, Bruce. “Perish or Prosper: The Law and Convict Transportation in the British Empire, 1700-1850.” Law and History Review 21.3 (2003): 527-84.
• Langley, Batty. An Accurate Description of Newgate, with the Rights, Privileges, Allowances, Fees, Dues, and Customs Thereof. London: Printed for T. Warner, 1724.
• Middleton, Arthur Pierce. Tobacco Coast: A Maritime History of Chesapeake Bay in the Colonial Era. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1953.
• Neill, Edward D. Terra Mariæ; or, Threads of Maryland Colonial History. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1867. Making of America database. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Library, 2005.
• Revel, James. The Poor Unhappy Transported Felon’s Sorrowful Account of His Fourteen Years Transportation at Virginia in America. London, 1780.
• Smith, Abbot Emerson. Colonists in Bondage : White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 1607-1776. The Norton Library; N592. New York: Norton, 1971.
• The Virginia Gazette (Rind), July 26, 1770, p. 3.
• The Virginia Gazette (Purdie), April 21, 1775, p. 3.

Learn More About Convict Transportation

Learn more about convict transportation to colonial America by reading my book, Bound with an Iron Chain: The Untold Story of How the British Transported 50,000 Convicts to Colonial America.

Amazon.com: Paperback ($16.99) and Kindle ($4.99).

Smashwords: All e-book formats ($4.99).

Most people know that England shipped thousands of convicts to Australia, but few are aware that colonial America was the original destination for Britain’s unwanted criminals. In the 18th century, thousands of British convicts were separated from their families, chained together in the hold of a ship, and carried off to America, sometimes for the theft of a mere handkerchief.

What happened to these convicts once they arrived in America? Did they prosper in an environment of unlimited opportunity, or were they ostracized by the other colonists? Anthony Vaver tells the stories of the petty thieves and professional criminals who were punished by being sent across the ocean to work on plantations. In bringing to life this forgotten chapter in American history, he challenges the way we think about immigration to early America.

The book also includes an appendix with helpful tips for researching individual convicts who were transported to America.

Visit Pickpocket Publishing for more details.